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On the very day Donald Trump received a tailor-made "peace prize" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his government published an equally ostentatious security policy document. This fairly brief paper drips with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the characteristically modest assertion that the president has brought back "our nation – and the world – back from the brink of disaster and disaster."

Even though the strategy largely codifies the current actions and rhetoric of Trump and his team, it must be taken as a serious warning for the international community, and for Europe specifically.

A Strategy of Interference and Civilizational Fear

The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its language seems lifted directly from speeches by Viktor Orbán during the much-discussed refugee crisis of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to regain its civilizational self-confidence." More ominously, the document claims that Europe's "economic decline is overshadowed by the genuine and starker possibility of civilizational erasure."

The whole section on Europe is steeped in generations of European right-wing dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "changing the continent and creating conflict, censorship of free speech and stifling of political opposition, plummeting birthrates, and erosion of sovereign identity and self-confidence." Per the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether some European countries will have economies and armed forces strong enough to remain dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration asserts that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become majority non-European."

"American diplomacy should continue to stand up for authentic democracy, freedom of expression, and proud celebrations of European nations’ individual character and history."

Foundational Theories of the Right-Wing

These arguments carry strong overtones of two theories seen as core for modern right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose thesis on the cyclical decline of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "native" fears into a more explicit conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace restive "indigenous" populations and bring in a more submissive and reliant electorate.

It is the nativist fever dream encapsulated in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the obligation, to intervene in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is clear where it identifies its allies: "America encourages its ideological partners in Europe to promote this resurgence of national spirit, and the increasing clout of nationalist European parties indeed gives cause for great optimism."

The Objective: "Make Europe Great Again"

Put simply, the US contends that it is essential to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can accomplish this. Consequently, its "overarching strategy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating resistance to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "strengthening the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "nations in agreement that want to restore their past glory" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.

While the document remains unclear on implementation, it is apparent that a priority is to pressure Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding right-wing speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not treat Russia as an adversary either.

A Historical Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to interfere in the "Americas," which he proclaimed to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "implement a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.

None of this is necessarily new – recall JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is laid out in an formal document, European leaders will at last understand that the stance is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be summarised in clear and concise terms: the current US government believes that its national security is most enhanced by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not only an reluctant ally; it is a deliberate adversary. It is time to respond appropriately.